To put together a new cabinet after the elections that will represent a majority of the population, an informant is first appointed.
In formateur
The differences and contradictions between the political parties have become greater in recent years. Some parties refuse in advance to jointly support one and the same cabinet. That is why the queen almost always first has an investigation conducted by an informant. The informants are generally politicians who are less directly involved in day-to-day politics and are therefore better able to assess various options for cabinet formation somewhat objectively.
Some informants limit themselves to an analysis of the possibilities, other informants immediately attempt to bridge certain contradictions. If an informateur has continued his work to the point where, in his opinion, a formateur can make an attempt, and one vote for a candidate for the premiership. The candidate with the most votes should be appointed by the queen and then form a cabinet.
This proposal represents a major change compared to the traditional cabinet formation. Not only will the House of Representatives be almost completely sidelined in the formation of a cabinet, but the direct election of the prime minister will also promote a two-party system. It is not expected that any of the candidates will win an absolute majority in the elections for the premiership (the political picture will also show the usual fragmentation in the prime ministerial election).
One can of course appoint the candidate who has received the most votes as Prime Minister, but because he has only a minority of the electorate (voters) behind him, his political position will be weak. It is therefore better to hold a second round of elections between the two highest-ranking candidates. The electorate will then probably split into two blocs, which is an advantage in the eyes of some, but is certainly contrary to Dutch party political traditions and interests.
The relationship between the parliament and the directly elected prime minister is also somewhat problematic . Can the majority of parliament send the prime minister home or not? And if the prime minister is voted out, should new elections be held, and if so, only for the premiership or also for parliament? Solutions
can be devised for all these problems, but they will always be solutions that weaken the position of parliament vis-à-vis the government.
Direct election of the formateur
The direct election of a formateur, as proposed by the CaIs-Oonner state committee of 1967. The candidate who would obtain an absolute majority in these elections should be given the formation assignment. If none of the candidates obtains an absolute majority, or if the elected formateur proves unable to form a cabinet, the usual method of cabinet formation would have to be used.
In this proposal, the bond between government and parliament is much stronger: only if a formateur is elected with an absolute majority, parliament is more or less outside the formation. In that case, however, the elected formateur will make an attempt to ensure that his cabinet is supported by a parliamentary majority, so that the influence of parliament on the formation remains great.
Arrangement of the political parties
The speed of cabinet formation is largely determined by the tactical position of the political parties. If the factions in the House of Representatives are prepared to quickly find each other in a series of compromises, the formation need not take long. However, the factions are generally not inclined to do this: mutual differences and contradictions have been sharpened during the elections, so that quite some time is needed to make cooperation psychologically acceptable.
Politicians are sensitive to the accusation that after the elections they will again cooperate with opponents whom they fought so extensively and thoroughly during the election campaign. The coalition of cooperating parties may then decide to go into opposition, which is not so obvious. if this coalition has made gains in the elections. After the elections, they can still negotiate with parties that were unwilling to speak out before the elections; and it is precisely in the latter case that the old objection is repeated. The reform attempt then contradicts itself, making cabinet formation extra difficult.